迈克尔·华莱士,大卫·布雷迪,顾梦佳,张开

• 1:康涅狄格大学社会学系
• 2:杜克大学社会学系
• 3:中共中央党校
• 4:中共中央党校经济学部

摘要(Abstract)：

戈登等人提出美国资本主义历史上出现过三个连续的积累的社会结构——"最初的无产阶级化""同质化"和"分割化",与之相对应的占主导地位的"控制体系"分别是"简单控制""技术控制"和"官僚控制"。"控制体系"作为研究当代工作场所的核心概念,用于联系资本积累过程中宏观层面的制度变迁与工作组织的微观层面特征;"控制体系"是一个占支配地位SSA中处理"资本-劳动冲突"的关键机制,旨在通过设计一种能从工人处获取最优合作的策略,化解资本主义生产中劳动控制的根本危机。在此基础上,本文认为资本主义经济发展的下一个长期波动是"空间化SSA"。"空间化SSA"的特点是:"技术官僚控制"的出现,雇主重新控制劳动过程的主要手段是工作的空间重构。下一个长期波动的最终结果是构建弹性积累体系,通过将资本主义积累嵌入一个弹性制度网络,来实现产品和服务的大规模定制。

关键词(KeyWords)： 空间化;技术官僚控制;工作重构;弹性积累

Abstract:

Keywords:

基金项目(Foundation): 国家社会科学基金项目“大卫·戈登与美国积累的社会结构学派之演变研究”(项目编号:17CJL001)的阶段性成果

作者(Author): 迈克尔·华莱士,大卫·布雷迪,顾梦佳,张开

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• (1)许多学者都努力在于“分割化”之后出现的SSA各方面进行理论分析(Kotz,McD onough and Reich,1994; Gordon,Bowles and Weisskopf,1987; Houston,1992; Peck,1996; Lippit,1997; Reich,1997)。令人惊讶的是,这些尝试在新SSA的性质方面并未达成共识,也没有学者正式命名、定义新的波动。我们的“空间化理论”(theory of spatialization)是对这一问题的唯一尝试,也是在实证研究中运用新SSA理论的唯一尝试(Grant and Wallace,1994; Grant,1995,1996; Grant and Hutchinson,1996;Brady and Wallace,1999)。
• (1)例如,Kotz、McD onough和Reich(1994),Reich(1997)。
• (1)尽管我们同意戈登(Gordon,1994,1996)及萨克利夫和加恩(Sutcliffe and Glyn,1999)关于“全球化本身并不构成一个新的积累的社会结构”的观点,但我们认为全球化是21世纪任何新的SSA出现的一个重要组成部分。
• (1)此外,这些新的工作规则安排,远远超出了福特制时代通常的“加速”(speedups)和“延伸”(tretchouts)范畴,包括对工作要求(job requirements)、工作角色和“劳动-管理关系”的全面重新定义。
• (2)有关“资本-劳动协调”瓦解背后的全球和国内力量的广泛讨论,见爱德华兹和波德格斯基(Edwards and Podgursky,1986)及尼尔森(Nilsson,1996)。
• (1)《纽约时报》的调查将“裁员”(“layoffs”)定义为“非临时性的或季节性的事件”,是由于“雇主裁员、缩编、公司重构、永久关闭工厂、工作岗位迁往海外,或者工作岗位永久消失”。
• (1)也可参见Heydebrand(1989)。
• (2)关于技术官僚的早期讨论,参见Akin(1977)和Alvesson(1987)。
• (1)这两项调查:印第安纳州就业质量调查(IQES; Wallace,Jamison and Shin,1996:24)和印第安纳两极经济中的工作调查(ISWIPE; Wallace,Jamison and Laubach,1998:22-23)是在相同的情况下进行的,并使用相同的取样框架。IQES是在1996年进行的,ISWIPE是在1998年进行的。工作人员使用计算机的比例从1996年的61. 3%上升到1998年的64. 7%(统计学上无显著差异,t=1. 42),每周使用计算机的平均小时数从1996年的12. 04个上升到1998年的13. 72个(统计学上存在显著差异,t=2. 19)。
• (1)关于服务业的程序化讨论,参见Leidner(1993)。
• (1)计算机系统(computerized systems)在不同组织之间建立信息共享网络的能力,可以从零售业最近的变化中看出。例如,里夫金(Rifkin,1995,p.104)讨论了像沃尔玛这样的大型零售商在收银台使用扫描仪将产品销售的电子数据传输给像宝洁这样的供应商。然后,供应商可以决定将哪些商品运送到不同的沃尔玛商店,完全绕过仓库。
• (2)然而,《今日美国》(USA Today)最近的一篇文章报道称,许多雇主悄悄地宽恕甚至鼓励员工在工作中使用电子邮件、公司计算机和互联网,因为这让他们在信息技术的帮助下变得更加舒适和容易。一位美国电话电报公司(AT&T)的经理说,“你需要让人们越来越舒适地使用几十年来最好的管理工具:电子邮件”(Armour,1999:1B)。
• (1)引自Gray、Bohlen和Fernandez-Kelley(1989)。
• (1)例如,阿德勒1992年对通用汽车NUMMI工厂的工作重构的研究。
• (1)最近的一项重要进展与主要趋势背道而驰,那就是美国汽车工人联合会(the United Auto Workers,UAW)和汽车制造商之间的最新合同,其中有特别条款保护工会工人的工作安全。具体地说,美国汽车工人联合会和福特之间的新合同规定,只有产生摩擦的公司才被允许进一步裁员,最近福特汽车零部件部门分拆的伟世通汽车系统公司(Visteon Automotive Systems)的23500名员工,仍将以“福特员工”生活,养老金和工资支票都由福特公司负责(Meredith,1999a,1999b)。
• (1)Sennett(1998)指出,对于那些远离中心办公室的工人来说,工作的计算机控制体系更加普遍。
• (1)爱德华兹(Edwards,1979,p.134)讲述了宝丽来公司(Polaroid Corporation)的情况。宝丽来公司将工作分为18个不同的职业群组(job families)、300个职业头衔,每个职业头衔具有7个不同的工资等级。因此,该公司为其6400名小时工创造了假想的2100(300×7)个工位。
• (2)爱德华兹(1979:135)指出,随着官僚控制的开始,监管与非监管人员的比例急剧上升。
• (1)《纽约时报》最近报道了商务部的一项研究(Sanger,1999):“虽然越来越多的少数族裔能够使用计算机和互联网,种族鸿沟依然明显,黑人和西班牙裔家庭中在家里、工作或学习时访问互联网的人不到一半。”
• (1)美国劳工总会与产业劳工组织(AFL-CIO)目前计划为其1300万名成员、68个工会中的每一个工会购买计算机和互联网接入AFL-CIO的“门户”提供折扣。工会成员可以通过电子邮件沟通、获取工作场所和合同谈判的最新信息、获取与他们职业相关的新闻,并从工会官员那里接收工会活动和计划的信息。据一位AFL-CIO建立项目的发言人说,它的目标是“建立一个真正成为会员生活中心的网络”。美国通信工作者协会(the Communication Workers of America)主席莫顿·巴尔(Morton Bahr)指出了新的在线项目的潜力(Greenhouse,1999:C)l:“你能想象吗?你能立即要求数百万名工会成员拒绝购买产品,或者用电子邮件轰炸当选的官员以表示抗议。”